Bladerunner, Brave New World Essays -- essays research papers

Andrew: Well, our next guest is a man who needs no introduction. He is a literary genius, scientist, philosopher and the author of his times, ladies and gentlemen, I present to you Mr. Aldous Leonard Huxley. Huxley: Good evening Andrew. Andrew: Great to have here with us Aldous, sorry we don’t have a great deal of time so we’ll get strait into it. Your Novel Brave New World, Could you briefly tell us about your book and the role of creation within the text. Huxley: The book is about the destruction of life in the pursuit of a new one, hence the title Brave New World. The book describes a world that the characters within believe to be a utopian society. All the substance within in Brave New World begins at the New World States; places where human beings are manufactured like machines. The story takes place in a world state in the 7th century A.F. (after Ford), where social stability is based on a scientific caste system. Human beings are graded from the highest intellectuals to lowest manual workers. They are hatched from incubators and raised in communal nurseries, learning by methodical conditioning to become oblivious and accepting of their captivity. Andrew: So Aldus, tell me, where did this fascination for creation begin? Huxley: Well my grand father was Thomas Henry Huxley, an outspoken defender and advocate for Darwin's theory of evolution by natural selection. He was nicknamed "Darwin's bulldog," being the most vocal of his supporters. He quite famously told the pope; "I would rather be the offspring of two apes than be a man and afraid to face the truth." Hearing my father talk about him sparked my imagination and caused me to research the subject further. My brother is also a great biologist whom without his help the book would never have been completed. But I guess the underlining fact is; everything stems from creation, and the way in which something is created will affect its purpose and role in life. Andrew: Such as natural birth as apposed to bokanovskification within the hatcheries? Huxley: Exactly. Take childbirth for example. It is an extreme process where a pregnant woman carries a child for nine months then goes through the excruciating pains of labor for a few hours. This already creates an amazing bond between mother and child. I believe Heredity and circumstance make each individual unique, and that the uni... ...in the book. I believe Tyrell and I to be quite similar. He lives upon the top of a ziggurat, similar to the Greek gods upon Mt Olympus, and controls the genetic fate of his people the replicants. He controls their life span, fabricates a past and believes he has superior power above all he has created. Andrew: Well thank you very much Aldous, it’s been extremely interesting. The subject of a creation can have as much impact on it’s creator, as it’s creator on it. When time, money, and passion are invested into any task, (especially creation) our art becomes part of us. Tyrell’s identity is built by his creation of replicants, just like a god, and Aldous Huxley is the creator and god of his own universe. Both these people would have no identity without their creations, and their creations would not exist without them. Both Blade Runner and Brave New world center on the issues of creation, both texts using the issue as a warning for the future. As we study both text and examine what they have to offer, we should be asking where our society is heading, and are we losing a part of our own humanity within consumerism and science? Take care, of yourselves and each other, Goodnight.

Police Corruption Essay

Introduction Police corruption must be taken into account as a likely social cost of the legislative creation of ‘victimless’ crimes: this is a generally accepted conclusion of extensive academic and official investigations, which has had a significant impact on discussions of gambling control policy in the USA (Morin Commission 1976: 40-2). Such willingness to discuss corruption and its effects contrasts with the official reluctance to do so and the defensive reaction which allegations of corruption provoke in the UK (Doig 1984). Corruption and allegations of corruption have occurred regularly in British police history, and gambling has often been involved. In the 1820s and 1830s, lotteries and gaming were the sources (Miller 1977: 126-48). In 1877, a betting scandal was at the heart of the first major corruption scandal to confront the reorganized ‘New Police’ (Clarkson and Richardson 1889: 261). There is little dispute that, until 1960, police-bookmaker relations of varying degrees of impropriety were normal practice and that their existence was no secret in working-class communities. According to Harry Daley, who served in the Metropolitan Police from the 1920s to the 1940s: Collection was all too easy. The bookmaker was usually down an alley or behind a pub. You approached slowly, gazing straight ahead with what you hoped looked like dignified indifference, and wiped up the half crown from the ledge on which he had placed it before getting out of the way for you to pass. Brewers’ draymen, window cleaners, painters and decorators, gossiping women, all suspended their activities for a moment or two to watch the familiar ceremony . . . I wish they could have sent the money to me in a plain envelope, as I knew they did to my Superintendent . . . ( 1986: 94-5). Stage-managed arrests were part of the arrangement, as a witness from ‘the other side’, Arthur Harding, explained: It was what they called ‘taking a turn’. In some divisions it was three times a year, to show the authorities at Scotland Yard when they made up their statistics that the police were doing their job. In every division the police had two men whose job it was to take the bookmakers in. They didn’t have to hide in a cart or anything like that, they’d come round quite polite and say, ‘Albert, stick a man up tomorrow, we’re having a raid’ (Samuel 1981: 180). 15 Corrupt police-bookmaker dealings were a matter of substantial concern during the period of this study not only for the 1923 Select Committee, but also for two Royal Commissions on aspects of policing. It will be argued that this issue had a substantial influence on policy discussions. However, it was seldom discussed frankly: for it to be an acceptable topic of public debate, it had to be presented in the restrictive frame of reference which is generally applied to corruption in British public life. This is constructed around an official rhetoric of ‘rotten apples’ and ‘black sheep’ which generates superficial explanations, minimizes the scale of the problem, and stresses that the authorities are vigilant and committed to the eradication of corruption (Doig 1984: 382-6). When publicity meant that police corruption could not be publicly ignored, the damage which it caused could be contained by dealing with it within this frame of reference. It was rarely in anyone’s interest to challenge this approach. The police and the Home Office were obviously content not to do so. Despite offers of immunity from prosecution, the bookmakers thought that no good would come from being candid about their relations with the police. Finally, it was an awkward issue for anti-gamblers to raise: while they became more forthright in later years, this remained an issue which had to be broached very carefully if anything other than official defensiveness was to be expected in response. Therefore, it would be naà ¯ve to expect an accurate picture of police corruption to emerge from the official reports and papers to which access is possible. The present intention is not to attempt to produce such a picture: rather, it is necessary to examine critically the way in which police corruption was discussed in the official hearings and reports of the period in order to found the argument that corruption was a matter of considerable concern to those involved in the reconsideration of gambling control policy, and that it was a vital, even if unarticulated, factor in the discussions of police-community relations which will be examined in Sections v and vii. Such sources are useful for this purpose so long as one is ‘prepared to work â€Å"against the grain of the material†Ã¢â‚¬Ëœ and to be ‘continuously aware of how categories and opinions are distorted by the investigative procedure’ (Harrison 1982: 308, quoting Samuel). The qualification ‘officially’ is vital here: the point which this counter-position obscures is that when police officers and others talked about harm to the ‘moral character’ of the force, a reference (which did not have to be made explicit) was being made to the threat and the effects of police corruption. Up to this point, the term ‘police corruption’ has been used loosely: before going further, it is important to note the distinction between two broad categories of police deviance. The tendency of many commentators to treat police corruption simply in terms of bribery as a financial transaction between two individuals (or groups of individuals) can imply succumbing to the official rhetoric about corruption (Shearing 1981: 4). Shearing differentiates between ‘corruption’, defined as activity producing personal, normally financial, gain for a police officer, and ‘organizational police deviance’, defined as activity ‘designed to further organizational objectives rather than to promote financial gain’ (1981: 2). Police culture has habitually distinguished between corruption in relation to serious crimes and in relation to minor ‘regulatory’ offences (Devereux 1949: 81). In the latter case, corruption is seen not as indicative of a deeper venality, but as an acceptable method of negotiating a tolerable everyday relationship with the public. The important, more general point shown here is that law enforcement is only one of several, possibly competing police objectives. As the Morin Commission pointed out, police discretion ‘is broad enough to permit the establishing of policies aimed at achieving goals other than that presumed to be intended by statute–total prohibition’ (1976: 38). These include improvement of the police’s image and public order maintenance. Indeed, the latter is more fundamental to policing than law enforcement: Crime fighting has never been, is not, and could not be the prime activity of the police . . . The core mandate of the police, historically and in terms of concrete demands placed upon the police is the more diffuse one of order maintenance (Reiner 1985: 171-2).   THE NATURE OF POLICE CORRUPTION An Example of Chicago Police Corruption Case Lazarus Averbuch lived on the near West Side, teeming with poor Russian Jews by day, but at night a saturnalia of vice and crime. Cocaine addicts with miserable blank stares shuffled in and out of Adolph Brendecke’s drugstone on Sangamon Street for their daily fix, issued discreetly under the counter for 25 cents a bag. Between Morgan and Green Streets Mike â€Å"de Pike† Heitler ran a white slave racket under the watchful eyes of Inspector Edward McCann, a bull-necked, rough-hewn policeman whose greatest joy was playing cribbage in the back room of the Des Plaines Street Station. [1]A small gold cross was affixed to the front of his vest, for McCann was a man of God who tried to instill in his nine children the Christian virtues. â€Å"I’d say I was glad to be suspended and have a chance to stay at home and play with the kids,† he said in reply to State’s Attorney John Wayman, whose unrelenting crusade uncovered the truth about McCann. For months McCann exacted tribute from the highest gambler bosses to the lowliest streetwalker. Protection money was delivered in a leather satchel in accordance with instructions given to Louis and Julius Frank, two of Hitler’s men. The price of doing business on the West Side in 1909 rose to $550 a month, a sum that the criminal panders finally refused to pay. With his money McCann purchased a stable of prized race horses. â€Å"If I had been grafting I wouldn’t have driven so many people out of business,† he said, failing to add that only the rebellious elements who refused to pay up were banished from the district. McCann was indicted by a grand jury, convicted, and sent to the Joliet Penitentiary on September 24, 1909. It was one of the hardest-fought cases in the court system up to that time. Wayman based his case on the testimony of West Side underworld figures, which raised some doubts about McCann’s guilt or innocence. After the prison doors slammed shut the friends of the inspector circulated a petition urging the governor to grant executive clemency. Thirty thousand people, including church leaders, settlement workers, businessmen, and former President Theodore Roosevelt, who had served for a time as police commissioner of New York, affixed their signatures to the document. Colonel Roosevelt cited McCann’s sterling record before he was sent to the West Side as a reason for an official pardon. Indeed, the scorecard, at least on the surface, showed more hits than misses. Since taking over as inspector of the West Side District in March 1908, McCann was credited with abolishing dozens of immoral houses, the return of 200 errant girls to their parents, curtailment of the cocaine traffic, enforcement of the 1:00 AM closing, and the regulation of concert halls and the five-cent theaters that screened lewd and suggestive movies. Social worker at Hull House lauded McCann for his efforts, and municipal judges, juvenile officers, and church officials marveled at the clean-up of the Des Plaines District. â€Å"Don’t give me all the credit for the work,† McCann protested. â€Å"It’s the men. They know I’m behind them and they do the work. I’m behind them because I know the right men are behind me. I will say this: the day of the man with the pull has passed at this station. I’m not allowing poor ignorant foreigners to be robbed by grafters who say they have a pull.† McCann, like so many other powerful police officials, was able to pick and choose his partners in the vice club. When the indictments were handed down and the inspector went off to jail, there were hundreds of city officials and church reformers who chose not to believe that such a fine man could be guilty as charged. Thus, with an eye toward saving McCann’s police pension, Governor Charles Deneen commuted the sentence just 30 days before his retirement benefits were scheduled to expire (Duis, 1978). The Republican state’s attorney had sent to prison a man of his own party, an uncommon event in those partisan days. He was roundly criticized from all quarters, while McCann was perceived to be a hero who had been railroaded by an ambitious politician. It was a disturbing setback for the reformers, who counted on the elected officials to uphold the will of the court system and punish wrong-doers. With greater power vested in the district inspectors, two predictable forms of police corruption surfaced: arrangements and events. The illicit money and gifts that McCann received over a period of months was an ongoing arrangement. The short-term, single acts of corruption, such as the one-time payoff given to 15 officers assigned to Comiskey Park on Labor Day, 1911, can be thought of as an event. Eyewitnesses charged the police with accepting $50 bribes from a gang of sidewalk bookies betting on the Gotch-Hackenschmidt wrestling match inside the ballpark. In both instances, external factors stimulated the detection and punishment since the police, either through their own inertia or because of direct influence from the chief, seemed unwilling to initiate an internal investigation. These two unrelated incidents of police malfeasance suggest that the department could not satisfactorily manage its own affairs unless the proper internal controls were in place. In direct contrast to the police, the Chicago Fire Department remained relatively free of scandal from the time the City Council took the budgetary responsibility away from the Police Commission in 1874 until 1903, when a Civil Service probe revealed some illegal hiring practices. From 1879 until his retirement in 1901, the Fire Department was run by Chief Denis Swenie, a blunt, hard-working administrator who feared no political reprisals. The firefighters were, in the words of Mayor Harrison, â€Å"Denny’s boys.† One reason Swenie was able to maintain the department on a stable, efficient basis was his ambitious plan to create a unit within the rank-and-file to guard against corruption. In 1880 the Department of Inspection was organized and Chicago profited from an honest, capable Fire Department. Not until 1960 and the reform superintendency of Orlando W. Wilson was such a mechanism put in place in the Police Department. Without these necessary controls the police of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century were essentially reactive in their response to a public outcry. THE POLICE AND ROTTEN APPLES In its investigation of police corruption in New York City in the early 1970s, the Knapp Commission 5 encountered departmental resistance to recognizing the widespread nature of corruption throughout the department, although it was especially flagrant in the gambling and narcotics units. This resistance was expressed in a departmental attitude that the Commission designated as the â€Å"rotten apple† theory of corruption (Knapp Commission, 1972: 6). This theory amounted to an unofficial department doctrine as to how corruption, when exposed, is to be handled. The theory asserts that corruption is a problem of individual misconduct and not something that should reflect on the department as a whole. A police officer involved in corruption is â€Å"a rotten apple in an otherwise clean barrel† (Knapp Commission, 1972: 6). The Commission (Knapp Commission, 1972: 6-7) further argued that the rotten apple theory served two purposes: (1) Department morale required that there be no official recognition of corruption and (2) the department’s image and effectiveness required this official denial. In 1993, the Mollen Commission, which again uncovered corruption in the New York City Police Department 20 years after the Knapp inquiry, encountered this same reluctance by police officials to view corruption in a systemic way. Instead, when corruption surfaced in spite of the â€Å"blue wall of silence,† it was largely viewed in terms of â€Å"rogue officers† and â€Å"pockets† of corruption, rather than as behavior that might be more deeply embedded in police culture. This was clearly the interpretation of events that Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly favored (James, 1993). The police view of crime and disorder in general can be characterized by this â€Å"rotten apple† theory of human nature. In this view crime is a function of evil individuals making bad choices; such choices are apparently made in relative isolation from external factors such as past experience, culture, and society. Crime, like police corruption, is personified, and the solution becomes linked to identifying the individual troublemakers–the â€Å"rotten apples.† This rotten apple view is not unique to the police world view; quite the contrary, it is widely shared in our society. When Rodney King was severely beaten by members of the Los Angeles Police Department in 1991 after he led them on an extended car chase, 6 the question again arose: Was this brutality due to the aggressive tendencies of a handful of officers, or was it more deeply ingrained in the Los Angeles Police Department? Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl Gates apparently subscribed to the â€Å"rotten apple† view, attributing the problems to just a few officers, 300 at most, in a force that had over 8,000 members (Reinhold, 1991). An independent commission that inquired into the King incident, as well as brutality and racism in the department, reported four months later that there were a â€Å"significant number† of officers who repeatedly used excessive force. However, rather than singling out officers or even the chief for blame, the commission viewed the problem as a â€Å"management and leadership failure.† It concluded that there was â€Å"an organizational culture that emphasizes crime control over crime prevention and that isolates the police from the communities and the people they serve† (Reinhold, 1991). There was also evidence that members of this â€Å"problem group† of officers were seldom punished for using excessive force and, in fact, often received glowing evaluations for their performance. Although the Los Angeles commission, like the Knapp Commission before it, provided evidence for a more systemic view of the problem, it is the rotten apple view that typically prevails. While polls showed that most of the U.S. public (whites and blacks) believed the four Los Angeles police officers were guilty (Pope and Ross, 1992), it is not likely that they would have also viewed the King beating as a wider institutional problem of the police. At best, the misconduct of the officers might be attributed to the leadership of the police chief. In fact, Chief Gates was replaced the following year. John A. Gardiner (1977: 68) observed a similar phenomenon in his study of gambling and corruption in Wincanton, where corruption seemed to be an ongoing problem. Periodic efforts to solve the problem, however, always seemed to follow a similar policy of â€Å"throwing the rascals out.† This, of course, is another version of the rotten apple theory in which criminality is viewed as an individual trait, rather than as something that is rooted in wider social forces. The rotten apple theory is another way in which our conventional wisdom conceals or minimizes the harm of white-collar crime Even though criminality is acknowledged, whether it be corruption, police brutality, or some other wrongdoing, the solution is deceptively simple: Get rid of the â€Å"rotten apples† or the â€Å"rascals.† By emphasizing the individual misconduct in white-collar crime, this view obscures the links such behavior may have to its organizational and social context, wider cultural patterns, and ongoing institutionalized practices. Conclusion Certainly, the studies do not establish that the police are permitted to be more corrupt, but the results of this study are consistent with this argument. They hold the view that the police are fundamentally a control force and when political agreement and super-subordinate social relations are endangered, police violence increases devoid of the state overruling on behalf of those victimized. Police violence and other crimes cannot then be understood exclusively in conditions of the micro processes linked to work experiences, work-related subcultures, and the lack of avoidance. There is also a need to position these factors into a traditionally informed macro analysis since this focuses our attention on the necessary role the police play in maintaining social structure, and how in response, they are allowed to go beyond the restrictions. Reference: Clarkson C. T., and Richardson J. H. (1889), Police! (London: Field & Tuer). Daley H. (1986), This Small Cloud (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson). Devereux E. C. (1949), â€Å"‘Gambling and the Social Structure'†, Ph.D. thesis (Harvard Univ.). Doig A. (1984), Corruption and Misconduct in Contemporary British Politics (Harmondsworth: Penguin). Harrison B. (1982), Peaceable Kingdom (Oxford: Clarendon Press). James George. (1993). â€Å"Kelly Suggests Hearings’ Goal Is a Police-Monitoring Agency.† New York Times (Sept. 30). Knapp Commission. (1972). the Knapp Commission Report on Police Corruption. New York: George Braziller. Miller W. R. (1977), â€Å"‘Never on Sunday: Moralistic Reformers and the Police in London and New York City, 1830-1870†²Ã¢â‚¬ , in D. H. Bayley (ed.), Police and Society (London: Sage), 126-48. Morin Commission (1976), Gambling in America: Final Report of the Commission on the Review of the National Policy toward Gambling (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office). Perry Duis, 1978. â€Å"The World’s Greatest Fireman†, Chicago Magazine 4 (May). Pope Carl E. and Lee E. Ross. (1992). â€Å"Race, Crime and Justice: The Aftermath of Rodney King.† The Criminologist 17 (Nov.-Dec.): 1, 7-10. Reinhold Robert. (q991). â€Å"Violence and Racism Are Routine in Los Angeles Police, Study Says.† New York Times (July 10) Samuel R. (1981), East End Underworld: Chapters in the Life of Arthur Harding (London: RKP). Shearing C. D. (1981), ‘Introduction’ (Shearing 1981b: 1-8). Gardiner John A. (1977). â€Å"Wincanton: The Politics of Corruption.† In Jack Douglas and John Johnson, eds., Official Deviance, 50-69. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott. [1] Honest McCann or foxy McCann? The Tribune could not decide; See issue of August 1, 1909.

My Family – Dad

Im a kind of person that really cares for his family. I have a great education from my father and thats why I admire him for many reasons. Hes a generous person, a great businessman, and a really good father. My dad is always helping people around him. He really cares for his family and he works hard to provide for his extended as well as, immediate family. He supports anyone that has problems with money, police, or any other kind of problem. He is the godfather for everyone in our family. My father is always here when they need them. In the same way, he has also helped his friends. For example: when his friend lost everything, he offered unlimited support to get him back on the right track. He thinks that no one else can do it. He always works with the men word with his friend. He doesnt take a check or title from them for the safety of his money. He is a generous person. My dad had a horrible childhood. When he was three years old, his father passed away. He had to support his family, so he sacrificed himself for them. He left school at the age 12 years old and worked for $ 20 a week. He had a lot of bad memories from his childhood as a consequence; it made him stronger and gave him experiences. He succeeds with the years and he got a lot of business experience. Now, he knows how to handle any kind of business. He could start any business and be sure that he succeeds on it. For example: He bought huge land next to the best tourist area in Casablanca for lot of money. Everyone was thinking that it was a big mistake but it wasnt. After many years, the land value has tripled. I could say that he has the feeling of business in his blood. My dad is a good father for our family. He sends his children to the best school and he doesnt care about the money. He is a powerful father, because he gave the education that he didnt get when he was younger. He made himself clear when something is wrong. If I do same thing wrong, he talked to me one time. He was always there when I need him. For example, I failed my high school two times normally. If he had the Muslim mind, he would let me leave the school, but he didnt. He always gave me a new chance. He gave me the energy to believe in myself and start again. He gave me the opportunity to study in United State of America, support my tuition and my living expenses. There are a few fathers in the world that can spend so much money for their children. In my opinion, I think that my father is the best father I could have ever asked for. I will try my best to be like him by being helpful to my children and people around me. I hope to be able to send my children though college and give them the knowledge needed to successful in society.

Burglary Criminal Data Comparison

The year 1929 marked the conception of the Uniform Crime Reporting program (UCR) by the chiefs of police international association to gather for the required reliability and homogeneous crime data for the country. The mission of collection, publication and archiving of this information was rendered to the FBI in 1930. At present, numerous yearly statistical data such as â€Å"Crime in the United States† is published from information provided by approximately 17,000 U. S. law enforcement organizations. UCR Program later formulated the NIBRS-National Incident Based Reporting System as an answer to necessitate the want for in-depth and flexible data.Crime Indicators In a period not less than 30years the United States has had two national crime indicators: the UCR program and the NCVS-National Crime Victimization Survey that gathers a statistics from a nationally balanced representative sample of persons 12 years and above who produce crime estimates independent of the recorded pe rformances of the criminal justice organization. Information from both is normally used jointly to present a more inclusive evaluation of crime in the United States. BurglaryBurglary as defined by the Uniform Crime Reporting program is the illegal entrance into a structure to commit an offense or theft. For an offense to be classified under burglary the use of force to attain entry is not a must. The program has 3 subdivisions for burglary: entry by force, illegal entry without use of force and attempted entry by force. The same applies to the UCR’s classification of structure which includes barn, apartment, and houseboat or house trailer is used as lifelong residence, ship vessel, office, railroad car excluding automobiles.Legal enforcement urgencies in 2005 reported an approximated 2,154,126 burglary crime which represents a 0. 5% rise from the 2004 figures. An assessment of decade trends shows a 1. 8% rise in burglary rates in comparison with the 2001 approximation, and a 14 % decrease from the 1996 figures. Based on the table’s approximation of committed property crimes, burglary accounted for over 21 percent of the total with an average dollar loss of 1,725 USD.Statistics show that of the residential burglary offences that occurred in 2005, a majority 65% took place during daytime, however for nonresidential structures most burglary offences (58 percent) happened in the night- that’s between 1800hours and 0600hours. This information can aid one on drawing trends of burglary offences considering the population, form of life and city structure. New York Metropolitan Area In recent years police survey information show that burglary in the core counties of the New York Metropolitan region’s core counties has been on the decline.And as anticipated the UCR burglary rate was lower than the NCVS total burglary rate, this is attributed to the reluctance of victims to report with only about 61% of burglary incidences recorded by the poli ce. Most occurrences were reported from lower class residential areas with high unemployment rates with the offenders being violent youths mostly. Chicago Metropolitan Area Police and survey estimates agree of decline in burglary incidences since 2000 but still the NCVS rate was higher than the UCR with only 52% of burglary incidences reported over this period.Rates were high in suburban areas of Illinois and generally performed during the day but not violently. Its noted that the offenses were executed mostly by men but some of them usually nonviolent were an act of the female gender. Conclusion It should be noted that most of those local state agencies with the interest to review rates or crime trends, classically draw analysis about felony in their regions basing singly on police statistics. This study has examined the comparison of police figures to victim survey information on burglary and other crimes for the big cities in the country.Gender ,age and class form the most notewo rthy burglary variables compounded with the effects of class i. e. unemployment and location. Unlike men, females have a tendency to start burglary in their later stages in life with lower/ underclass females involved than young women. References Maston, C. and Klaus, P. (2006). Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2005 statistical tables. Violent Crime since 1993, US Department of Justice. http://www. ojp. usdoj. gov/bjs/glance/tables/4meastab. htm. Retrieved on March 13, 2009.

Culture's influence on basic psychological processes Assignment

Culture's influence on basic psychological processes - Assignment Example The community does not consider this practice as a risk to life because they perceive it as a safe culture. Other communities’ maybe perceive canoes as unsafe and primitive to use in an ocean, but to Pulawat island community it is their way of life. Their brains cognitive and perpetual abilities see this as the best way to tackle the problem of crossing to the main land. Culture differs depending on the geographical location and the environment and what is right to one community maybe wrong to another. The Americans are used to cross from the island to the mainland using motor boats which are manufactured in their industries. Pulawat community has, on several times, been challenged to adapt the use of modern boats without success. This shows that culture persists for a long period of time and it takes long time to change (Westen, 12). Until recently, the Pulawat island community has slowly started to adapt modern engine boats because they have been influenced by American culture that canoes are not safe. The community has been highly influenced but in the absence of this influence the community would have continued sticking to their canoes. This implies that an ethnocentric view of culture can have an influence on another community’s culture. In conclusion, cultures are influenced by psychological functions which are coordinated by human brain. Ethnocentric views of one culture can inflict fear to another causing cultural change. Fear is a brain function that in turn influences change of culture. Thus, culture is influenced by psychological functions such as

Assessment and Application of International Affairs Theories Essay

Assessment and Application of International Affairs Theories - Essay Example ce of international relations in the society, mainly the application of the IR theories in the aforementioned fields has immensely shaped human existence. The theoretical frameworks within the discipline assist in the explanation of the global activities/events, the identification of the most important international actors, and the different means of exertion of influence from the international platform. Moreover, the IR theories assist nations or heads of states and their foreign policy advisors during the conduction of foreign policy. There exist different IR theories that work towards the presentation of the critical events and happenings around the world. These theories assist governments in the processes of policy making, relations with other governments, and activities that occur among nations. These theories include liberalism, neo-liberalism, classical realism, constructivism, post-structuralism, Marxism, and post-modernism. These are not, however, the only IR theories. While some may be insufficient in the explanation of the aforementioned, there are theories that can be combined to offer an articulate elucidation of global events, government relations and foreign policy, and the issue of power and interaction. Among the outlined theories, liberalism, classical realism, and post structuralism are the most effective in the explanation the contemporary and past experiences in the world, and the actors that exert international influence. In addition, these theories are the most effective in offering heads of states the assistance they need in conducting foreign policy. The application of the liberalism theoretical framework of the international theory can offer an articulate explanation of the relations among governments, and major occurrences that involve decisions by the heads of states. The development of theory emanates from the society’s quest to explain the relations through the disregard of classical realism. However, emphasizes on the exploration

How could that nice person have committed such a devious fraud What Essay

How could that nice person have committed such a devious fraud What are the characteristics of prospective fraud perpetrators Can a fraud perpetrator personality be predicted - Essay Example scientists have not been able to identify well-understood and well-defined psychological set of traits that could be used for diagnosing the tendency or propensity of fraud in an individual (Ramamoorti 524). To a large extent, the tendency of an individual to commit fraud or crime depends upon the environment and context. â€Å"Criminal opportunities are presented by those vulnerable environments and opportunistically interpretable scenarios that individuals and groups see as offering attractive potential for criminal reward with little apparent risk of detection or penalty† (Ramamoorti 524). There is a wide range of characteristics of a prospective fraud perpetrator. Prospective fraud perpetrators tend to seek more knowledge and awareness about different matters that they are not seemingly so related to. Prospective fraud perpetrators tend to study the history of an organization and find out about other people who have committed frauds in the past, how they did it, and what was their fate. Fraud perpetrators are suspicious. They may be unnecessarily too friendly and chatty or be excessively silent and socially excluded. Prospective fraud perpetrators are interested in crime stories and movies because they happen to learn a lot of new strategies and techniques to commit fraud in such forms of literature. Prospective fraud perpetrators exaggerate other’s small mistakes and are smart enough to hold others responsible for inappropriate or wrong things that they have themselves done. Prospective fraud perpetrators keep an eye on the latest technology and have a tenden cy to develop skills and competency in the use of new software and technology sooner and quicker than others. Prospective fraud perpetrators often have large networks and channels that they use to commit the fraud. The personality of a fraud perpetrator be predicted. Certain behaviors are commonly found among the fraud perpetrators. These behaviors include but are not limited to lying,